McCaskill, Don

This intercultural rediscovery of Indigenous cacao culture draws upon Environmental Studies, Intercultural Studies, Indigenous Studies, Anthropology and Agroecology. The methodological antecedent for this kind of symbolic food study of cacao is the work done by Gustavo Esteva and others on the civilizational importance of maize. Similarly, the rediscovery of the Indigenous Knowledge of cacao explores the profound meaningfulness of cacao to ancient Mesoamerican civilization, and how that ecological, agricultural, and health wisdom can regenerate modern agricultural paradigms, and ecogastronomy. Chapter 1 explores, meditates, and reflects upon 20 Indigenous Knowledge teachings of cacao guided and supported by a unique interpretation of the Popol Vuh, the Mayan oral epic and creation story, as well as 20 years of collaboration and field work experience in Mexico. The methodology in chapter 1 is rooted in a phenomenological approach to dwelling with and relating to IK in an unmediated and embodied manner. Experience, story, dream and an awareness of the challenges of looking at Oral culture teachings are combined with an intercultural analysis of the Popol Vuh and other supporting texts. The spiritual ecology of the cacao forest garden of Chapter 2, seeks to make the connection between the maize milpa and the cacao forest garden milpa and posits a unique transition theory. The transition theory seeks to operationalize these Indigenous Knowledge agricultural and crop traditions into a regenerative agricultural model. Based upon Indigenous Knowledge, this view of the cacao forest garden functionally regenerates soils, regenerates forests, and supports food sovereignty in a way that is rooted in community scale Indigenous cultural practices, techniques, and food traditions. The methodology for chapter 2 and chapter 3 of this thesis moves to an intercultural comparison and analysis of agro-ecological and spiritual ecological understandings of cacao, chocolate, and the forest garden. Chapter 3 seeks to move from the explicating and analyzing of the 'transition theory' and proposes four main practical initiatives that further strengthen and explore the regenerative spiritual ecology of cacao forest gardens. The Indigenous forest garden commons of the Americas can be a powerful, unique, and fecund contribution to the intercultural dialogue around cultural regeneration in the 21st century. The Indigenous forest garden makes contributions around intercultural dialogue and reconciliation as well as current understandings around regenerative agricultural models. The cacao forest garden moves beyond an either/or narrative that separates environmental regeneration from cultural regeneration, and instead contributes to an intercultural both/and more holistic approach to regeneration that is rooted in culture and supported by agriculture.

Author Keywords: cacao, chocolate, forest garden, indigenous kmowledge, maize, transition theory

My research into Et'sehch'i, the Traditional Dene Burial Practices, is a comprehensive study into how smaller groups, clans, of our northern Dene understood and handled matters of funerals. The research focuses on the Dene community of Radelie Koe, Fort Good Hope in the Northwest Territories of Canada, my home community. In these Pre-Contact times, there weren't any of the modern tools we are now familiar with. The dead were interred on outdoor stages, raised platforms.

The most important part of Et'sehch'i involved the matriarch or another Elder of the clan hand-picking individual youths to help keep the Community together. They kept together as a group, going around together, cutting wood for people, hauling water or ice and generally reinstalling joy into the People's lives. Another form of these coming-of-age ceremonials involved young girls becoming women. The research involves the ways in which the Dene handled anything to do with major changes throughout our history. It was mandated by the Elders Council and Band Council of Fort Good Hope and followed a community protocol of respect for culturally sensitive material. These traditions, following ethical standards, account in good part for our survival from a time we call "When the World was New", from dinosaurs to today's computers.

Keywords: Dene Community, Burial Practice, Et'sehch'i, Ceremony, Funeral, Youth, Painting, Ceremonial Practice, Ways of Being

Author Keywords: Burial Practice, Ceremony, Dene Community, Et'sehch'i, Funeral, Painting

In the 1980's, Hollow Water First Nation citizens created a healing movement to address community issues from an Indigenous perspective resulting in the development of the Community Holistic Circle Healing (CHCH) in 1989. The CHCH organization developed a Community (Restorative) Justice process as an alternative to a Western-based Justice approach to address issues such as domestic violence and sexual abuse. The CHCH organization addresses justice from a healing perspective (rather than the Western approach's punitive/surveillance model) and includes the offender and offender's family, the victim and the victim's family, as well as the community to identify issues, develop plans, implement healing activities, and evaluate the outcome so that the root systemic issues affecting community can be addressed holistically. Hollow Water First Nation is much more engaged in addressing the roots of why the offence occurred and looks for Anishinaabek approaches to resolve community-defined issues. Western society tends to implement a symptomatic approach to violence deterrence through punishment rather than address issues through a healing process. My research looks at the complex history of the healing movement, the operation of the CHCH organization and the personal values that emerged from the healing movement, and Hollow Water's next iteration of organization from the children of the people that began the healing movement. These people are now aged around mid-40's and have seen their parents engage in a community justice movement, saw their parents develop their own way to address community issues through the emergence and operation of the CHCH organization, and now, themselves, have developed highly critical and creative skills around the workings of community development.

I use Berger and Luckmann's seminal 1966 book The Social Construction of Reality, Hallowell's perspectives on the Anishinaabek culture in his anthropological research conducted in Beren's River, Manitoba during the 1930's, Max Weber's The Theory of Social and Economic Organization (1915), interviews with the original activists, and my experiences living in Hollow Water for 4+ years (from 1997 to 2001) to give an account of the history of the healing movement and its consequent personal transformation of the people engaged in examining their thoughts, values and behavioural processes. I use the Learning Organization Theory, developed by Peter Senge (a management professor from Massachusetts Institute of Technology) in his 1990 book The Fifth Discipline, interviews of CHCH staff and other community organization staff members, as well as, Indigenous authors, such as, Leanne Betasamosake Simpson's Dancing on Our Turtle's Back (2011) and Michael Hart's Seeking Mino-Pimatisiwin (2002) to provide an understanding of Indigenous concepts as they apply to the process of CHCH's healing/learning operations. From these sources and interviews, I provide an account of Hollow Water's Healing Movement which includes the decline of the CHCH organization from late 1990s to 2020. Given the current hyperpolitical environment in Canada, Hollow Water's next generation of community member activists are perhaps about to reclaim power and establish empowered relationships as the Indigenous Renaissance unfolds.

Author Keywords: Community Healing Movement Process, Hollow Water First Nation, Indigenous Axiology and Praxis, Learning Organization, Restorative Justice, Systems-Thinking

ni' o-nah-ko-nah ah-di-so-kah-nahg zhigo di-bah-ji-mo-wi-nan g'dah mi-kwe-ni-mah-nahn obwandiacbun (nigig), tecumthabun (mizhibizhi), miinwaa shingwaukbun (ah-ji-jawk)

(I ceremonially call upon the stories, the sacred and spiritual narratives and stories of personal experience... In the spirit of obwandiac, tecumtha and shingwauk)

gi-mi-ni-go-wi-ni-nan o-gi-ma-wi-win zhigo o-gi-ma-win (The gifts of traditional leadership and traditional governance) explores anishinabe o-gi-ma-wi-win (traditional leadership and to be esteemed) from the point of view of obwandiac (nigig) in 1763, tecumtha (mizhibizhi) and shingwauk (ah-ji-hawk) in 1812 and 1850 respectively. It also examines the political and social significance of anishinabe o-gi-ma-win (traditional governance) and the n'swi-ish-ko-day-kawn anishinabeg o'dish-ko-day-kawn (Three Fires Confederacy) during the time of these esteemed leaders.

The use of our ah-di-so-kah-nahg (sacred and spiritual stories), di-bah-ji-mo-wi-nan (stories of personal experience and reminiscences) and ah-way-chi-gay-wi-nan (moral stories) provides the opportunity to show how anishinabe people used different narratives to ah-way-chi-gay-win (teach by telling stories). In listening to these personal and intimate stories we have an opportunity to understand and explore these concepts of o-gi-ma-wi-win (traditional leadership and to be esteemed) and o-gi-ma-win (traditional governance).

The first layer to this distinct way of knowing embodies anishinabe nah-nah-gah-dah-wayn-ji-gay-win (how we come to think this way about our reality and epistemology) and is expressed to us within our gah-wi-zi-maw-ji-say-muh-guhk (creation and stories of origin) and miskew ah-zha-way-chi-win (blood memory and the act of flowing). It states explicitly that we have always known where we came from, who we are, and how we fit into this world.

anishinabe i-nah-di-zi-win (our way of being and way of life and ontology) lends voice to the second layer of anishinabe kayn-daw-so-win (traditional knowledge), which defines the responsibilities and expectations of anishinabe society, leadership and governance. Our ni-zhwa-sho gi-ki-nah-mah-gay-wi-nan (seven teachings), ni-zhwa-sho o-na-sho-way-wi-nan (seven sacred laws) and the relationship of the do-daim-mahg (clan system) are described within anishinabemowin, the language of our ceremonies and of the jeeskahn (shake tent).

Harry Bone (2011)1, an elder from Keeseekoowenin First Nation suggests that ah-zhi-kay-ni-mo-nahd-a-di-sid bay-mah-di-sid (how we use our way of doing, thinking, ceremony and spirituality to find answers and methodology) represents a third layer that provides us with the ways and means to help us understand the essence of anishinabe nah-nah-gah-dah-wayn-ji-gay-win (how we come to think this way about our reality and epistemology and i-nah-di-zi-win (our way of being and way of life and ontology). This represents the literal and metaphoric o-dah-bah-ji-gahn (sacred bundle) and traditional approach that provides this narrative with the means to explore the ideas of leadership and governance from within a traditional construct. He adds that our spirituality and manitou kay-wi-nan (ceremonies) will be clearly defined and shared within this o-dah-bah-ji-ji-gahn (sacred bundle). It helps establish the spiritual core for this narrative. These anishinabe approaches to methodology (intimate conversations, family history and ceremony) are used to tell a story that mirrors the academic construct of interviews and document analysis.

Therefore, the o-dah-bah-ji-gahn (sacred bundle) provides the nay-nahn-do-jee-kayn-chi-gayd (to dig around and research) tools to have this discussion exploring the traditional construct of anishinabe o-gi-ma-wi-win (traditional leadership and to be esteemed) and o-gi-ma-win (traditional governance). Lastly, it is important to understand that this traditional approach shows how these narratives are in-and-of-themselves powerful strategies in understanding anishinabe ah-yah-win (way of being and existence) and gah-gi-bi-i-zhi-say-mah-guhk (history).

mii i'i-way anishinabe i-zhi-chi-gay-win (This is the anishinabe way)

zhigo mii'iw eta-go o-way neen-gi-kayn-dahn zhigo ni-gi-noon-dah-wah (This is as much as I know and have heard)

1 Bone, Harry (Personal Communication) 2011.

Assimilative policies limit and disrupt the inclusion of Aboriginal values in most Aboriginal services today. This art-based, qualitative research study approaches that issue, and using symbolism and story a sample scenario was created to demonstrate the impact of assimilative policy on Aboriginal service delivery in a storyboard format. The storyboard was then presented to four traditional thinkers who contemplated the issues therein, and as they deconstructed, considered, and conferred they resolved the matter and produced four distinct models. Imagery is relied on as a traditional means of communication to capture and convey the research issue as a painted story. This research tested the viability of using imagery as a storyboard methodology for solving social issues. By using this approach this dissertation sought to answer the question, does Indigenous knowledge have the power to change the systemic structures that surround our services. For the analysis, did the three Indigenous knowledge paradigms effectively assist in determining the nature of the Indigenous knowledge applied?

Author Keywords: collective community subjectivity, Indigenous methodology, paradigms, story, symbolic communication, symbolic representation

In Disturbing Invisibility (Coloma, McElhinny, Tungohan, Catungal, Davidson, 2012), the most comprehensive book on Filipino-Canadian studies to date, issues were identified in the afterword as to how Filipino-Canadian studies relates to indigenous identity. This thesis attempts to address this issue by applying Enriquez's (1992) Indigenization Method onto Filipino-Canadian discourse. It attempts to do this by: exploring the colonial context and history in the Philippines and its effect on the formation of a Filipino indigenous identity; exploring Filipino indigenous thought as described by Enriquez (1992) in his seminal book From Colonial to Liberation Psychology; understanding Filipinos in Canada with the inclusion of literature from Filipino-American studies and the Filipino Indigenization movement; and how orienting Filipino-Canadian discourse with the indigenous concepts brought forward by Enriquez might look like, with emphasis on how Filipino-Canadian discourse could interact with Indigenous issues relating to Indigenous People in Canada today. It becomes clear that the Filipino Indigenization movement has reached grassroots Filipino organizations in Canada, and that uncritically ignoring their own Filipino indigenous roots would be denying themselves the unique cultural gifts that those roots provide. As being both Filipino and Canadian, Filipino-Canadians who seek to reclaim their indigenous roots would find that the indigenous concept of kapwa ("the self in the other") would encourage an examination of issues pertaining to Indigenous People in Canada as commonalities exist in their experiences with colonization.

Author Keywords: Canada, discourse, Filipino-Canadians, indigenization, indigenous, Philippines